COURSE ASSIGNMENT for INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND POVERTY 2018 Prepared by SUZIYANI FARHANA BINTI SUHAIMI Research Student GSID 2018 Question What are the main aspects of the Structural Adjustment Programmes

COURSE ASSIGNMENT for INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND POVERTY 2018 Prepared by SUZIYANI FARHANA BINTI SUHAIMI Research Student GSID 2018 Question What are the main aspects of the Structural Adjustment Programmes

Prepared by
Research Student GSID 2018
What are the main aspects of the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) and what impacts have been attributed to the SAPs?
Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) were applied in several developing countries since the 1980s. According to Leftwich (1996), Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) is outlined as a collection of institutional and economic measures meant to resolve the economic issues facing by developing countries by rectifying a country’s borrowing deficit, reducing the intervention of governments within the economy and opening up the state’s economy to the global market. It believed the SAPs designed by the Bretton Woods institution to make policies that may start the reduction of impoverishment and sustainable economic process. These programs or policies are a collection of conditions associate degree terms that developing countries should first adhere to before qualifying to acquire an IMF or World Bank loan. Being the drowning nations they’re and desperate for facilitating, the poor countries abide by and by doing this sign the death certificate of their economies. This paper tries to describe a brief background of the SAPs, discuss the aspects of SAPs thenceforth figure out what are the impacts have been attributed to the SAPs.

History of SAPs
The emergence of SAPs was a consequence of a debt crisis that has hit especially developing countries since the 1980s.  This debt crisis has its starting point in the mid-1970s when oil-producing countries that had joined the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) increased the oil price to gain more revenue.  Then, most of these profits were invested with banks in industrialized countries. These banks, thusly, were interested to loan this cash to developing countries to fund for the product purchasing from the industrialized countries. In this way, they believed that the loans given to developing countries facilitated to spur the production in the North (Toussaint and Comanne, 1995).

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Amid the 1970s credits were given openly at low-interest loans yet this interest rate changed significantly in the mid-1980s. USA pushed up the loan interest radically trying to stop the inflation. Developing countries that had taken out advances with US banks now needed to pay tremendous premiums. The major lending banks in Europe stuck to this same pattern and the debt crisis was conceived (George, 1995). Developing countries were not able to reimburse their credits and were compelled to take up new advances to pay the intrigue. The rising financing costs made developing countries to take out new credits to keep a strategic distance from bankruptcy.

Regardless of the way that developing countries have long paid back their underlying credits, they are still highly indebted and are reliant on new loans. This gave the route for the IMF and World Bank to come ‘to the save’. They were given the undertaking to ensure that developing countries will keep paying their debts by offering new credits to countries who acknowledge certain conditions which called Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), informed by neoliberal ideals. According to A Sen 1999, neoliberalism is characterized as a set of market-based, liberal monetary approaches (A Sen, 1999). Neoliberalism is often connected to the alleged ‘Washington Consensus’, a term instituted by John Williamson to outline key monetary strategy shared characteristics between IMF, World Bank, and U.S. Treasury Division (Rodrid, 2006). These arrangements argued that total economic development would profit the majority impoverish countries and also the wealthier minority in developing countries, and introduced the “free-market” as a superior apparatus for development than government intermediation (Williamson, 2005).
The implementations s of SAPs
            As per Haynes. J, 2008, lessening state’s economic and developmental part was a corresponding condition for the receiving of significant external financial help with the type of SAPs. The ultimate had a few ideas; (1) to energize a high state of financial and fiscal discipline, (2) propel changes driving towards market economies, and (3) empower free trade, free capital flow and monetary participation among countries. To accomplish these objectives, the accompanying key advances were trusted fundamental:
Cut state expenditure, involving health and welfare;
Reduce salary levels or possibly seriously compel wage increase by meant to reduce inflation and make trades more monetarily competitive; extend the private sector participation through privatization of state assets;
Liberalize foreign exchange;
Reduce the power of capital, capital expanding, and currency markets, including the lifting of limits on foreign investment; and
Protect weaker parts of society by fortifying social security nets (Brecher Costello, 1994)
            These actions inhibited countries on an approach of deregulated free market economies. The IMF and World bank primarily decide countries’ macroeconomic policies, the central bank policies controlled by them as well as public expenditure through the alleged ‘Public Expenditure Review. SAPs support the major of cost recovery for social services and the steady secession of the state from necessary health and educational services. Under a programme named ‘Public Investment,’ the IMF even indicates what sort of infrastructure ought to be constructed while a forced arrangement of international tenders guarantees that public-works projects are handled by international construction and engineering firms (Chossudovsky,1995).

            Though a few countries were sceptical about such neo-liberal strategies, which outlined along the thoughts of the Reagan and Thatcher administrations, they were obliged to abandon socialist or even social democratic ideas. Along these lines, the debt crisis has offered the IMF and World Bank with an exceptionally powerful instrument of disciplining noncompliant countries. Indebted countries are kept in a ‘strait-jacket’ which keeps them from actualizing their own particular financial strategies (George 1995 and Chossudovsky 1995)
Impacts of SAPs
In spite of the IMF and World Bank statements of SAPs successes, it is generally known that SAPs have overlooked to realize their objectives. They have not made wealth and economic improvement as unregulated markets did not advantage underprivileged people and neglected to ensure the conveyance of social services. The IMF and World Bank confidence that the termination of protective tariffs will make domestic industries more aggressive. As a general rule, domestic manufacturing regularly dropped and imported consumer merchandise replaced domestic production.

The impacts of SAPs are as below;
Privatisation enables international capital to purchase state businesses at low prices.
Tax changes under SAPs (like VAT) put a more prominent taxation rate on middle and low-income groups while outside capital gets more exemption.

Deregulation of the banking system cause high-financing costs which makes most products excessively expensive to the majority.

Removal of subsidies and price controls, secured with depreciation trigger price increments and decrease real income in the formal and informal areas.

Free movement of outside trade enables foreign enterprises to repatriate their profits. It likewise permits the ‘laundering’ of dirty money’ from overseas banking accounts.

The inequality in healthcare services delivery became increasing because of cost-recovery programs in the health sector being expanded. It also decreased health coverage and increased the number of the person without access to health care. Sicknesses like cholera, malaria and yellow fever are on the rise again.

Various non-governmental bodies sponsored by international funding agencies have continuously taken control government roles in the social sector.
Downsizing the public-sector (for instance 300 000 government staffs were retrenched in Zaire now the Democratic Republic in Congo in 1995), combined with liquidations of local companies’ due to extensive increments in joblessness.
Liberalisation of the workforce market cause to the elimination of cost of living adjustment clauses in collective agreements and to the abolishing of the lowest pay permitted by law enactment.

Export introduction in agriculture is eliminating subsistence crops and accelerates the unemployed issues towards the urban areas. (Touissant & Comanne,1995 and Chossudovsky, 1995).

Indeed, even in those countries that are singled out as examples of success stories, SAPs affected extreme hardships on poor people. Regardless of the dedication of the IMF to diminish poverty, negative criticism developed that these IMF programs lead to an expansion in poverty rates in recipient countries (e.g. Hertz, 2004; Cavanagh, Welch and Retallack, 2000; Lundberg and Squire, 2003; Abugre, 2000).

Arguments on SAPs
There are numerous reactions that emphasis on various aspects of SAPs. Numerous academicians argue that SAPs imposed harsh financial measures which increase the poverty rate, destabilize food security, and self-reliance and cause unsustainable resource misuse, environmental devastation, and population disturbance and displacement. As indicated by Raavi, 2011, these groups, which incorporate NGOs, grassroots bodies, financial analysts, social researchers and United Nations agencies have rejected the narrow conception of economic growth as the way to narrow conception of economic growth as the means to achieve social and environmental objectives. They claim that SAP policies have expanded the gap amongst rich and poor in both local and global terms.
Raavi, 2011 furthermore said common policies required in structural adjustment is the privatization of state-owned companies and resources. It expects to expand proficiency and venture, and diminishing state spending. State-owned resources are to be sold whether they produce a fiscal profit or not. Reviewers, however, have criticized privatization necessities. At the point when resources are exchanged for foreign partnerships as well as national elites, the objective of public prosperity is deposed with the objective of private accumulating. SAPs weaken the sovereignty of national economies on the grounds that an outside organization is directing a country’s economic policy. Reviewers argue that the formation of good policy is in a sovereign nation’s own best interest. Along these lines, SAPs are unneeded given the state is acting in its best interest. Debt is an issue of both developed and developing nations. In any case, structural adjustments gave more impact on poorer countries than on more developed countries.
Henceforth, some critics that the democratic policy practice of numerous countries has been challenged by resolutions framed miles away by western economic bureaucrats and that the execution of such policy has exclusively profited the biggest contributor countries, for example, U.S., UK, Canada, and Japan. For instance, the effect of SAPs in the irrigation sub-sector is the withdrawal of governments from irrigation development and management.
In principle, SAPS aim is to help countries to come back to economic regaining. Practically speaking, the opposite has happened. SAPs have destroyed any opportunity to accomplish supportable economic improvement that would meet country’s needs. Chossudovsky,1955 brought up that the ‘IMF-World bank reform package constitutes a rational program for the economic and social breakdown. They abolish the whole segment of the local economy’. At whatever point SAPs come up short, the IMF and World Bank accuse the host government which they blame for ineffectiveness or insufficient inspiration. ‘IMF riots’ have occurred in more than 30 countries, some of the time in the form of violent protests against the sufferings triggered by SAPs. The host countries’ governments were constantly left to manage the uprisings that were often violently suppressed.

In any case, beginning protests against SAPs were barely followed by an efficient initiative to form the political capacity to replace SAPs with an alternate advancement strategy. Indeed, even the political pioneers of developing countries have turned out to be calm on the debt issue and are never again battling for the cancellation of the debt. As a rule, they have turned into a corrupt elite that is never again keen on setting up another and all the more simply world order. It will subsequently be left to those organizations that speak on behalf of the affected impoverished majority to keenly promote against structural adjustment policies and to form substitute policies that will have the capacity to take care of those issues. The limitations of such programs and makes conclusions about the aid that ought to be given to economic reform in developing countries in the future.

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